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ven
before his term of office expired at
noon on January 20, 2001, President
William Jefferson
Clinton was quietly querying
friendly members of the U.S. Supreme Court to see if they would be inclined
to rule that the 22nd Amendment prevented a president from serving
more than two terms in the White House, or if there might be five justices
on the high court who could be legally persuaded that the 22nd Amendment
didn't exclude the president from serving more than two terms, only that
it prevented him from
serving more than two consecutive terms. If the Justices could
be convinced to frame a ruling based on what Clinton believed was
"the spirit" in which the 22nd Amendment was offered
for ratification rather than the high court adhering to the letter of
the language within the amendment, Clinton might have been able
to return to the presidential political arena in 2004 and challenge the
son of his old nemesis. However, the consensus Clinton sought from
the justices of the high court escaped him. It was the view of the US
Supreme Court that the 22nd Amendment was clear and unambiguous.
No man could hold the office of President for more than two terms. And,
any president serving two years and one day of the unexpired term of a
former president was ineligible to seek reelection at all.
There has been some idle chatter
in Democratic circles of Kerry offering the vice presidential slot
on the Democratic ticket to Bill Clintoneven though Hillary
tried hard to buy it for herself. However, the 22nd Amendment prevents
Bill Clinton from being placed on the ticket as Kerry's
vice presidential running mate just as Article II of
the Constitution prevents Hillary Clinton from constitutionally
assuming for the job. In fact, for precisely the same reason that Bill
Clinton can't serve as vice president, neither can Hillary.
Why? Because she cannot constitutionally fill the vacancy caused
by the death, resignation, impeachment and removal of any US president
under whom she served. The Constitution of the United States actually
prevents Hillaryor any woman for that matterfrom ascending
to the office of President even though several women have already run
for the office.
The
first woman to run for President of the United States was Victoria
Woodhull, a stockbroker and "protégé" of railroad
tycoon Cornelius Vanderbilt. Woodhull ran for President
on the Equal Rights Party ticket in 1872. Belva Lockwood,
the first woman admitted to practice law before the US Supreme Court became
that party's candidate for president in 1884 and 1888. Both women ran
on a platform for which there was no constituency that would vote for
themnot even themselves. Neither woman could vote. Nor, for that
matter, could any other woman in America until the ratification of the
19th Amendment on Aug. 18, 1920. While the 19th Amendment provided
women with the right to vote, it did not provide them the right to seek
the highest office in the landa legality that has been overlooked
by office seekers, male and female, since 1920.
In
1964 US Senator Margaret Chase Smith [R-ME] became the first woman
to have her name placed in nominattion for President by a major political
party. Smith was nominated by Sen. George Aiken that year.
The nomination ultimately went to Arizona Sen. Barry Goldwater
who lost in the general election to President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Because women were not considered
viable candidates for the office of the President, their candidacy was
viewed only as evidence that the party hierarchy, whether Democrat or
Republican, was solidly behind women's suffrageparticularly when
the National Organization of Women [NOW] became a strong
feminist advocacy voice in American politics in the 1960s. In 1984, pressured
by NOW to place a woman on the ballot, Walter "Fritz"
Mondale (who was running against Ronald Reagan and George
H.W. Bush) selected Congresswoman Geraldine
Ferraro [D-NY] as his running mate. Although Mondale and Ferraro
lost in the biggest election upset since 1820 when John Quincy Adams
won only one electoral vote in his fight to win the presidency from James
Madison, Ferraro has the distinction of going into the history
books as the first female vice presidential nominee of a major political
party. Mondale entered the history books as the man who won only
his home State of Minnesotaand its 13 electoral votesin the
Election of 1984. Had Mondale won the election, a Constitutional
crisis would have resulted since Ferraro could not have legally
succeeded Mondale if he died in office or otherwise became incapacitated
without a clarification from the US Supreme Court, or through a constitutional
amendment that erases the gender distinctions in Article II, Section
1. In an interesting side note to Ferraro's
candidacy in 1984, the Republicans captured 57% of all of the female votes
that year. It seems that, other than the diehard party loyalists and feminists,
not even the women of America wanted a woman anywhere near the White Houseexcept,
perhaps, as First Lady.
Few Americans are cognizant
of the fact that an important legal question exists that has not been
constitutionally addressed. The feminists believe the 19th Amendment
degenderized the office of President of the United States. The evolutionary
nature of the election process, combined with the belief of most Americans
that, someday, a woman will become President, together with the unchallenged
legal precedents when women have sought the office have, in the view of
the feminists, solved the male gendered presidential issue without the
need of interference from the Supreme Court, or a constitutional amendment.
When
Victoria California Claflin Woodhull announced she was seeking
the office of President of the United States in the 1872, she was 34 years
of ageone year less than required by the Constitution. The unflattering
argument was raised that aside from the fact that Vanderbilt's
mistress was too young to seek the office of the presidency, only men
were eligible to run for elective federal office since the Constitution
itself barred women from voting and, by extension, from holding office
(thus the justification of the legal argument raised by Yale law professor
Akhill Reed Amar, below), Woodhull's benefactor, Cornelius
Vanderbilt, used his influence to make certain that Woodhull
was allowed to run. In fact, Vanderbilt structured a bond issue
to finance her campaign. The bonds would "mature" only if Woodhull
was elected presidentwhich, of course, could not happen under any
circumstance since Woodhull was only 34 years old when she ran
(and even moreso since her running mate was Frederick Douglas,
the former slave.). Furthermore, the Woodhull-Douglas ticket was
not on any ballot in any State in the union. The Equal Rights Party
garnered only slightly more than 15,000 votes nationwide.
When she met Vanderbilt,
Woodhull was a fortuneteller in a medicine show. As she read his
palm, Vanderbilt became smitten by the sexually outspoken,
gregarious woman and invited her to join him in New York. Although she
was married to Dr. Canning Woodhull, the medicine show owner, she
became Vanderbilt's mistress. He set Woodhull and her sister,
Tennessee Claflin, up in a brokerage business, Woodhull &
Claflin, on Wall Street in New York and urged his friends to do business
with her.
Even though Woodhull
did not meet the basic Constitutional requirements (the fact that she
was a woman notwithstanding), the precedent allowing women to vie for
the office of the presidency was credibly established when Belva Lockwood
ran for President in 1884. Without Woodhull's baggage, her name
appeared on the ballot in several States and thus, the confusion over
whether Woodhull or Lockwood was the first woman to run
for President of the United States.
In any event, regardless which
woman was historically construed to be the first female presidential candidate,
collectively they established the legal precedent which suggests that
even though the Constitution specifically defines the President of the
United States as a male, women are now construed to have a legal right
to seek the office of President of the United States even though it was
the firm intent of the Founding Fathers to limit that high office to men..
In Article
II, Section 1, the Constitution appears to establish only three ironclad
qualifications for president. The president must (1)
be at least 35 years old, (2) have lived in the United States at least
14 years, and (3) be a natural-born citizen. Yet, Article
II, Section 1 declares that the President will be a man 16 times.
Further, as noted by J.A. Corry, principal of Queen's University
in London, and Henry J. Abraham, Professor of Political Science
at the University of Pennsylvania, in their political science text book,
Elements of Democratic Government (©1964; Oxford University
Press) that in addition to the "written" qualifications for
the office, there are also several "unwritten" qualifications
and customary requirements that precedent has added to the qualifications
for the office of President of the United States. Corry and Abraham
insist these prerequisites must be viewed in the light of the entire composite.
Being male is necessarily one of them.
Moreover, the Founding Fathers
specifically wrote into the Constitution a male-gendered office called
President. Article II, Section 1 begins: "The
executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of
America. He shall hold his office during the term of four
years, and with the Vice President, chosen for the same term, be elected
as follows..." You
really do not have to read further to realize the role of President of
the United States is gender-specific. Note the qualifications for the
office of Congressman found in Article I, Section 1:
"The
House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second
year by the people of the several States...No person shall be a Representative
who shall not have attained the age of 25 years, and been 7 years a citizen
of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant
of that State in which he shall be chosen..."
There is no gender specification in the description of a Congressman.
Nor is there any in the qualifications for Senator found in Article
I, Section 2: "The Senate of the United
States shall be composed of two Senators from each State chosen by the
legislature thereof...No person shall be a Senator who shall have attained
the age of 30 years, and been 9 years a citizen of the United States,
and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which
he shall be chosen." Only one time, in one sentence, in
Article I are the members of the House and/or Senate collectively referred
to in male gender, and that is in Section 6, paragraph 2. In
that instance, the usage is basically generic since there is no individual
gender specific reference made for an individual person. In this single
instance, the Constitution is clarifying that Congressmen and Senators
may not serve a dual role in the Executive Branch of government.
Four times in Article I,
Section 7 the President is referred to specifically as a man. Again,
this was not an accident. The President is referred to, by gender, a total
of 20 times in the Constitution.
Most constitutional scholars
agree that the Founding Fathers intended to establish a male gender national
leader. In doing so, they explicitly barred women from ever becoming
the President of the United States without first enacting a constitutional
amendment that would allow them to accept the office if elected (since
there appears to be nothing that bars them from seeking the officeonly
serving it if elected). In his book, "America's Constitution:
A Guided Tour," Yale law professor Akhill Reed Amar suggests
that the 19th Amendment, which gave women the right to vote, also
granted them the implied corresponding right to seek the office of President
of the United States. "In effect," he said, "that amendment
required that the word 'he' in the original constitutional clauses dealing
with the president would henceforth be read to mean 'he' or 'she.'"
Amar is, unfortunately,
"reading" words or meanings not in evidence. The 19th
Amendment merely grants women the right to vote. Although liberals
have mastered the art of creating supra rights in existing case law by
implication, there is no implied corresponding right to be construed hereparticularly
for women seeking the office of President of the United States which,
constitutionally, is uniquely a male job. Sexist, isn't it?
Simply stated, the 19th Amendment
says: "The right of citizens of the United
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or
by any State on account of sex. Congress shall have the power to enforce
this article by appropriate legislation." Granted, starry-eyed
liberals will automatically see the expansive nature of the phrase
"...shall not be...abridged..." and will expand that
phrase sufficiently to drive a Mack truck through it since the entire
Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1968 were crafted from the
"commerce clause" in Article I, Section 8. But the simple
truth is that all the 19th Amendment does is provide women with
the right to vote in federal, State, county and local elections. While
women have never been denied the right to seek public office (even when
they could not vote for themselves or for other female candidates for
office), there is nothing in the 19th Amendment (or any other amendment
for that matter) that neutralizes the gender specific qualities required
of those who become the President of the United States.
Without
looking too far beyond the tip of our noses, we will find several liberal
federal judgesparticularly female judgeswho would vehemently
argue that the 19th Amendment's vote-granting to the "fair
sex" tacitly degenderized all masculine references to the office
of President. That argument has legal merit only if you can honestly conclude,
after reading the entire document, that the Founding Fathers did not intend
to create a national leader who was specifically male.
Remember, at that time there
were many female monarchs in Europe, so the notion of female heads of
state was not alien to their thinking. And, while the door was not closed
to women seeking government office, the Founding Fathers visualized the
national leader of the United States as a manand they deliberately
penned that perspective into the Constitution. If that hypothesis is correct,
then a woman cannot constitutionally serve as President of the United
States until a constitutional amendment is ratified to correct the presumption
by the Founding Fathers that the President of the United States must be
a man.
What
does that mean for Sen. Hillary Clinton's aspirations to somehow
become the 44th or 45th President of the United States? It means she should
be thankful she has a job as the US Senator of the second most liberal
State in the Union. Unless, of course, Hillary and the feminists
in the House and Senate can join Sen. Orrin Hatch's [R-UT] and
become cosponsors of Hatch's latest effort to weaken the Constitution.
Hatch has proffered a revolutionary new constitutional amendment
that will weaken the requirements needed for a candidate to run for the
presidency. The latest Hatch Amendment that will trigger a constitutional
amendment resolution if it is successfully attached to any piece of legislation
going through Congress, seeks to eliminate the "naturally-born"
clause from Article II, Section 1. That would be the perfect opportunity
for the feminists to redefine the good ol' boy genderization of the office
of President (while only a few people realize that the current wording
does constitutionally prevent women from holding the office of President.
It is unclear why Hatch
chose this time to proffer his latest amendment since it will likely benefit
the Democrats far more than his own party. At this moment, Hatch's
resolution would affect two high profile up-and-coming politicians. First
is Gov. Jennifer Granholm [D-MI], who is the rising star of the
Democratic Party. Second is Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger [R-CA],
a moderate Kennedy Republican who is, unfortunately greatly influenced
by Hatch's across the aisle buddy, Uncle Teddy Kennedy. But, as
I said, the person who would benefit most if an amended version of Hatch's
resolution becomes a constitutional amendment will be Sen. Hillary
Clinton who would suddenly not have to worry about testosterone court
challenges when she announces she is a candidate for the office of President
of the United States.
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